Monday, May 30, 2011

Shaw Capital Management Korea: Fresh Pressure on BOJ for Adopting an Inflation Target


Japanese Finance Minister Naoto Kan has recently exerted pressure
on the Bank of Japan (BOJ) to act more quickly to defeat deflation,
saying he wants the falling price trend to end this year. “Two or
three years is too long. If possible, I hope that the consumer price
index turns positive by the end of this year” Kan told a parliamentary
session.

Shaw Capital Management Korea: Fresh Pressure on BOJ for Adopting an Inflation Target. The finance minister also said that the BOJ may have to set an
inflation target aimed at dragging the economy out of grinding
deflation … a policy where a central bank declares a target for
inflation and guides actual price levels toward that goal through
monetary policy such as interest rate changes.
BOJ Governor Masaaki Shirakawa made it clear he had no intention
of taking such a step, and explained in detail why he considers it
inappropriate. “There is a mood to reconsider the use of the
framework of inflation targeting following the recent financial
crisis," Mr. Shirakawa said at a recent news conference.
“If a central bank concentrates only on achieving a short-term
price goal, that could have an adverse effect on sustainable economic
growth, which is the final goal of monetary policy”, Shirakawa said.
Moreover, “such a mechanism would reduce the BOJ’s flexibility
on policy”.
Inflation targeting has become a favoured policy among many
central banks worldwide, but since the start of Japan’s deflationary
era in 1999, the BOJ has stoutly resisted calls to set an inflation
target against which it can be judged, and by which it can be
embarrassed if it misses it.

Shaw Capital Management Korea: Fresh Pressure on BOJ for Adopting an Inflation Target. Instead it has relied on softer price guidance in determining policy.
Its inflation objective is defined in the loosest terms, as a rate
between zero and 2% for the core consumer price index, as one
that meets its “understanding of medium- to long-term price
stability”, with no time-frame to achieve it and no penalty for
failure.
Still, core consumer price index, which excludes volatile fresh food
prices, fell 1.3% on year in December, dropping for the 10th straight
month.
Shirakawa’s comments suggest the central bank will not embark
on any further easing for now to put a stop to deflation. However
the BOJ might be forced to loosen policy toward the middle of the
year if the domestic economy loses momentum from its recent
strong performance … recent data showed the economy grew at a
4.6% annualized pace in the final quarter of 2009.
And with a key upper house election coming up in the summer, at
which the ruling Democratic Party of Japan hopes to win a majority
in the chamber, political pressure on the BOJ to do more to improve
the economic picture could rise.

Can the introduction of inflation targeting under deflation and
zero interest rates contribute to the Japanese economic recovery?
Generally, inflation targeting has been increasingly viewed as a
good monetary policy framework and widely applauded by
economists and policymakers.
In the literature, there are benefits of inflation targeting for both
inflation and output behaviour.
Inflation targeting should stabilise the level of inflation, reduce its
variability and persistence, and also decrease the variability of
output.

Shaw Capital Management Korea: Fresh Pressure on BOJ for Adopting an Inflation Target. A recent study by Daniel Leigh, an economist at the IMF, shows
that had Japan introduced an inflation target in the 90’s its
economy’s performance would have substantially improved and
the BOJ would have avoided the zero lower bound on nominal
interest rates.
But the essence of the question is to what extent the introduction
of inflation targeting will enhance credibility of the BOJ’s reflation
policy in a deflationary phase and help economic recovery.
More importantly, whether or not the BOJ monetary policy is
credible enough for inflation expectations to be anchored to an
inflation target.
Takehiro Sato of Morgan Stanley says that, unlike the Federal
Reserve, which has won a high degree of respect for its handling
of monetary policy, Japan’s central bank is not yet trusted by
markets because of its past moves. “The BOJ’s policy track record
is bad.
A target for inflation helps to anchor future expectations of
monetary policy, but BOJ lacks credibility.
The mere announcement of an inflation target would not change
expectations”, he said.
Indeed, the introduction of inflation targets among advanced
countries tends to be accompanied by an institutional framework
that makes inflation targeting credible and accountable.
In several countries, including New Zealand and Australia, inflation
targeting is an agreement between the government and the central
bank, and both are committed to policy that is consistent with the
inflation target.

Shaw Capital Management Korea: Fresh Pressure on BOJ for Adopting an Inflation Target. In several countries, including New Zealand and the UK, when
inflation exceeds the target by a wide margin, the Governor is
required to provide an explanation to the parliament. With
accountability and commitment, inflation targeting does become
credible.

A central bank in a deflationary environment
is subject to a time-inconsistency problem: it
cannot credibly commit to “being
irresponsible” and so continue to shoot for
high inflation.

Furthermore, there is a concern that once the Japanese economy
has emerged from a deflationary spiral and starts to recover, the
central bank will be tempted to renege on its commitment to a
high inflation target, because it would like the economy to return
to an inflation rate consistent with price stability.
Thus a central bank in a deflationary environment is subject to a
time-inconsistency problem: it cannot credibly commit to “being
irresponsible” and so continue to shoot for high inflation.
The result of the time-inconsistency problem is that the markets
would not be convinced that inflation would remain high, and
inflation expectations would not be high enough to lower real rates
sufficiently to stimulate the economy out of the deflation trap.
To overcome deflation and restore economic activity Japanese
policymakers may not need to adopt an inflation target.
They could simply use unconventional instruments, such as
purchases of riskier assets and foreign assets, more aggressively
so to persuade the markets and the public that there will be higher
inflation.

Shaw Capital Management Korea: Competitive tax system in UK


Now consider UK taxation. Already under this current UK
government tax, and stealth taxation in particular, has become the
soft default option. By the mid-2000s the top marginal rate of tax
including all imposts, whether on wages or consumption, had
reached 60%, the average tax rate was 40% and the marginal tax
rate on the average person 43%.
Now that the explicit top rate of income tax has gone over 50%,
the top rate has gone up to around 67%. So far for the average
worker not much has changed since the mid-2000s. However,
further rises in tax rates from these levels are not an option and
indeed they must be cut, for two reasons.
The first reason concerns the ‘Laffer Curve’; which computes the
extra revenue raised for every rise in the marginal tax rate.
This curve reaches a peak at some fairly moderate marginal tax
rate because of the effect on effort and tax evasion.

All informed observers, including the Institute of Fiscal Studies
which is generally in favour of higher taxes and redistribution,
agree that the 50% new top tax rate will not increase revenue and
will probably lower it for this reason.
The second reason concerns growth. Growth comes from the
innovative activities of entrepreneurs, who are extremely sensitive
to marginal tax rates because their activities are risky and any
gains uncertain; the more these are taxed the less the expected
return and if this drops below some threshold they will not bother
at all.

The UK needs both to make the fiscal
adjustment on the spending side by reviving
old-style Treasury control and then quickly
bring their tax system back into the land of
reasonable incentives, following that up with
reforms ‘flattening’ the marginal tax rates
across the economy and income groups.

Estimates of the effects on growth of marginal tax rates are for
obvious reasons uncertain; but the sort of effect that comes out of
empirical studies is an elasticity of one third, i.e. for every 10%
reduction in tax growth would rise by 3% (e.g. a reduction of the
marginal tax rate from 40% to 36% would raise growth from 2.5%
to 2.58%).
This effect seems small but it accumulates into something large.
So in short the UK needs both to make the fiscal adjustment on the
spending side by reviving old-style Treasury control and then
quickly bring their tax system back into the land of reasonable
incentives, following that up with reforms ‘flattening’ the marginal
tax rates across the economy and income groups.

The supporting role of monetary policy
This fiscal adjustment, however gradually brought about, is going
to be a fairly grim process and it will dampen growth further.
It will require the efforts of the monetary authorities to support
the economy through it, without pushing inflation over the target.

At present the bank credit is not expanding, whereas a growing
economy requires bank credit growth usually of twice or more
times the GDP growth rate.
The Bank of England is keeping interest rates low but has suspended
the printing of money (‘quantitative easing’), even though bank
credit growth has not responded.
But it may well need to restart it. This is something the UK will
need to watch and if, as seems likely, inflation falls back to well
below the target and the economy falters under fiscal retrenchment,
the Bank of England will need to take steps to get the broad money
supply growing again.
As we have noted before, other channels for money appear to be
working in substitution … UK equity and corporate bonds issues
have been substantial recently. So liquidity may turn out adequate
even without credit growth revival.
Our forecast for the UK
Though the UK Budget was predictably vacuous, being a pre-election
affair, our forecast assumes that action pretty much along the
above lines will be taken after the election by whatever government
is in power … hung Parliament or not.
The reason is that there is little room for manoeuvre and privately
in fact the parties do not materially disagree, except to some degree
on what modest room there could be for tax rises instead of spending
cuts.
So in short we think there will be fiscal retrenchment, monetary
policy will provide support, and so the UK recovery will slowly
continue.


The UK and the Budget: Shaw Capital Management Korea


In the UK it is obvious that there is no possibility of continuing
with budget deficits of some 13% of GDP, the present prospect if
no action is taken.

Unfortunately however the recent UK Budget produced no credible
plan for dealing with this problem. It swept it into the lap of the
new government after the May election, whatever that government
is.

The UK and the Budget: Shaw Capital Management Korea. The UK cannot delude themselves that rapid resumed growth will
lead to a rapid return of the previous revenue streams. UK growth
in most forecasts, ours included, is projected as slow.
In our view there is a good reason: the continuing shortage of oil
and raw materials worldwide prevents rapid growth for the world
as a whole and since emerging market economies are continuing
to grow rapidly that restricts the growth possibilities in countries
like the UK and other developed countries.

We are already seeing inflation spread into China and other
emerging countries, forcing a tightening of policy.

It seems likely that this tightening will be enough to restrain world
growth to rates that will not push commodity prices much higher.
So even the fast-growing world economies are being forced to limit
their growth ambitions; as for the UK they are achieving ‘recovery’,
but hardly enthusiastic growth.

All this will only change when innovation in raw material use has
freed up net world supplies.

Fortunately the flexibility of the UK labour market has restricted
the jobs fallout. Unemployment has peaked below 8% (just over 5%
on the benefit-claimant measure) as people have opted for wage
freezes or cuts and shorter hours … so there is underemployment
but not the disaster of double-digit unemployment rates.
But this environment is one in which tax revenues will not recover
much and in which the demands for public spending will continue.
Time will tell how big the ‘structural deficit’ … that will emerge
once the recovery is complete … may be.

But policy decisions cannot wait until this is better known. So in
this Budget the need was to produce a five-year public sector
adjustment plan.

Two things should guide this plan: keeping the taxes down and
competitive, so that growth and innovation resume, and restoring
efficiency in public spending.

The UK and the Budget: Shaw Capital Management Korea. Spending cuts
To begin with the last, the current government unleashed a massive
surge in public spending from 2000, raising it by 8% of GDP before
the crisis raised it by more again.

Everyone knew that without reform and gradual increases, such
money would be wasted; there is no practical way to spend such
vast sums without raising wages and wasting money on speculative
projects.

Productivity in the public sector duly slumped and public sector
remuneration including pensions has surged past the private sector
where market forces suggest pay should be higher to reflect greater
insecurity.

The UK and the Budget: Shaw Capital Management Korea. To reduce public spending back to where it started in 2000 as a
share of GDP (at around 36%) would require it to grow in real terms
by about 16% less than real GDP over the next five years.
Since total GDP growth over that period is likely to be about 10%,
that means that spending must be cut by about 1% a year in real
terms.

This is a feasible target. The UK Treasury under Gordon Brown
became a brute instrument of spending increase, oddly somewhat
against the protests of some departments worrying about wasteful
effects. The UK Treasury was never traditionally like this … very
much the opposite, a place from which wringing money was like
getting blood from stones.

It should be returned to its traditional function of restraint; Treasury
control, old-style, is the best instrument for forcing departments
to find the economies they privately know they can make.